[governance] "oversight"
Riaz K Tayob
riaz.tayob at gmail.com
Thu Jun 7 08:44:52 EDT 2012
parminder
in summary:
legitimation of imperialism (ability to give law) and "othering"
amazing how simplistic analysis can be, countries can be
anti-imperialist abroad while being tyrannical abroad...
i guess that citizens united case should give pause to faith in american
political benevolence... but perhaps not!
riaz
On 2012/06/07 07:41 AM, parminder wrote:
>
>
> On Monday 04 June 2012 10:21 PM, Milton L Mueller wrote:
>>
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] Well, yes. You slap everyone in the face with a
>> call to arms that implies we are all idiots, I reply in kind. Now
>> that we’ve got each other’s attention, maybe we can have a rational
>> dialogue. /*
>>
>
> A very weak excuse, Milton, but I'll pass it, as long as we are,
> hopefully, on the rational dialogue path.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> Your submission says, there should be a US led international
>> agreement on ICANN status and role. I dont understand by what does
>> 'US led' mean. Pl explain.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] OK. US now controls the root and ICANN via the
>> IANA contract. If we are to move beyond that, the US has to take the
>> initiative; i.e., the US has to say, “we are willing and ready to
>> consider a new model.” Remember, those were comments in a U.S.
>> proceeding, urging the US to take that leadership. /*
>>
>
> I have no problem with your statement as comments in a US proceeding,
> and thus at that i time I did not critique it. But now, in response to
> my email, you indicated the same documents and its recs as the
> possible way to go in the 'international' (or transnational)
> discussion that we started to have on this list, and thus the nature
> of my responses to it. Now, if US led just means, US needs to agree
> 'we are ready to consider a new model' , yes, that is obvious.
> Although, it is important to note that civil society starts proposing
> models and build moral and political pressure much before governments
> show their readiness to act, and I can quote innumerable instances of
> this..... We dont wait to first see the clear expression of readiness
> before we make our concrete proposals and build moral/ political
> pressure. Also, I was wondering if what you call as a US led
> international agreement will be the kind of political fiction like
> AoC, where US signs something with a private party and tries to sell
> it as an international thing, or it will be the real thing, as real
> agreements between affected parties are, with international legal
> basis and force. With your above clarification, I now think it is the
> latter kind that you mean, but you may clarify.
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> I can only understand international agreements under international
>> systems, like the UN.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] And, even on this list, we can see how poorly it
>> works when the UN or a UN agency like the ITU tries to take the
>> initiative. It becomes a “takeover” proposal and it plays into the
>> hands of US-based nationalists. And it seems surprisingly easy to get
>> many others to jump on that bandwagon – see, e.g., Avri’s recent
>> comments on the ITU. Ergo, “US-led” is required. /*
>>
>
> OK, now I think you dont have in your mind what I would see as 'real'
> international agreements . What exactly is it that you are suggesting.
> Pl be clear. What exactly is the US-led thing you propose. As to how
> UN thing does or does not work, you present a very one sided picture.
> The world in general is not so anti UN as a very limited view of a
> narrow set of very vocal players in the IG space may suggest. I can
> show you many campaigns from across the world, very popular and well
> supported ones, that keep calling for a greater UN role in areas like
> trade, climate change, IP, health, human rights etc.
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> I see 'oversight' as largely meaning as backing and ensuring
>> adherence to the relevant legal framework (arrived through the
>> international treaty spoken of above) and maintaining accountability. I
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] I think Bill Drake answered this claim very
>> effectively. That is not what “oversight” means in historical context
>> or to most of the people using it. To most govts, oversight means
>> imposing or injecting their “public policy” concerns onto Internet
>> governance institutions, collectively or individually. So we are back
>> to the “public policy” problem. /*
>>
>
> I still think WGIG saw oversight, in itself, in a relatively narrow
> manner, even if connected to broader global pubic policy (GPP) issues.
> We also know that US gov/ US media uses the term oversight in its
> narrow meaning. Now, we cant keep on insisting that this term has to
> be accepted to mean as some the actors we may not agree with take it
> to mean. These are only /some/ actors.... As for 'injecting public
> policy concerns onto IG institutions', you do agree later in your
> email that 'FoE and anti-trust' are public policy concerns and they,
> you insist, /must/ be injected onto IG institutions. Milton, the
> paradox is clear. I agree with you that the processes and procedures
> of developing public policy and means of, to use your words, injecting
> them onto IG institutions, cannot be ad hoc, and should be very very
> clear, process and relevant law bound. However, you cant really be
> serious in proposing that what you see as public policy is good and
> anything else is bad. In essence, this is what you are saying . Lets
> be rational :).
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */Now we all know, or should know, that most govts still believe they
>> should be setting public policy for the internet./*
>>
>
> Huh. So you think that governments shouldn't be setting public policy
> for the Internet! In that case, I must alert and warn you that there
> is someone masquerading as you, Milton Mueller, very active in the
> civil society advisory committee of OECD's CCICP which is one body
> most active in enabling some, most powerful, governments in 'setting
> public policy for the Internet'. You must intervene immediately and
> stop him. and the concerned governments, from doing this most
> diabolical work.
>
>> */(It’s in the Tunis Agenda) From years of experience, including
>> especially form watching the GAC and an IGF workshop on that topic, I
>> have come to understand what it means./*
>>
>
> Milton, we are slipping here into straight-forward
> anti-governmentalism, as anti-democraticism. With years of experience
> with the Indian government (and I am sure yours would be same for the
> UG gov) I have come to understand the pettinesses of politicians,
> their proclivity to corruption etc etc..... however neither have I
> stopped engaging, very actively, with the Indian democratic governance
> system, nor have I the least doubt that if I were to be a part of the
> writing a new Indian constitution, it would in many/most of its
> essential features would be similar to what it is today.
>
>> */It means, “we want to alter any ICANN decision to go along with
>> whatever concerns we as national governments have, whatever political
>> winds are blowing us at the moment and whatever lobbyist made the
>> greatest impression on us.” It does NOT mean “ensuring adherence to a
>> fixed legal framework.” Ensuring adherence to a legal framework is
>> more like what courts do, not the politicians and ministers/govt
>> bureaucrats who would staff an “oversight agency.” /*
>>
>
> Courts do it on the basis of laws made by politicians/ ministers/ gov
> bureaucrats. As I have been discussing, it is possible to make a CIR
> oversight body with the sole role of ensuring adherence to a legal
> framework, and not allowing it to make ad hoc interferences at all. An
> institutional design that can ensure this objective is possible and
> lets work towards it with faith in global democracy and global
> institutions.
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> In any case, in your 2009 proposal you seem to be quite confused
>> between your hatred of 'public policy' from above and at the same
>> time putting in clear terms that ICANN should be subject to FoE
>> regulation, anti-trust law etc (through the international agreement).
>> This is subjecting ICANN to top down public policy, isnt it.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] Yes and no. Yes, I agree that codifying FoE and
>> antitrust is in effect a policy. No, because the “policy” embedded in
>> FoE and antitrust rules is stable, well-defined and fixed, not
>> subjected to new formulation and change based on passing political
>> vicissitudes./*
>>
>
> There are many other policy objectives that have long term stable
> political consensus around then in modern political thought and
> practice. You just have a narrow ideological position here, which I
> cant share. But lets at least agree that it is just one ideological
> position, and your above propositions do not stem from any neutral
> rational logic.
>
>> */In other words, we don’t want a committee of governments that
>> reviews every ICANN decision and says “how does this conform to or
>> contribute to my current policy objectives?” Instead, we want a
>> dispute-driven (i.e., bottom up), court-like review process that
>> says, “someone has claimed that this particular action of ICANN
>> violates freedom of expression rights. Is this claim correct or not?”/*
>>
>
> Yes, but again, here is the Milton's version of appropriate public
> policy, and not such that is derived by a due, to the extent possible,
> democratic process..... However, As oft stated now, I do agree that
> the oversight body should have such a narrow 'legality and policy
> adherence assessing' role as you put it.
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */And if you want to ask me why I believe it is legitimate to codify
>> FoE and antitrust as the relevant policies, it is because I believe
>> those are the correct policies – ones that will keep the internet and
>> the people who use it thriving./*
>>
>
> I understand that you believe these to be the 'only' relevant
> policies. But arent you a bit of bulldozing things here. I believe
> that some other policies are as basic - as, for instance, enshrined in
> many UN human rights instruments. So you think those are not relevant
> and correct policies for the Internet? Just to breach your narrow,
> arbitrary, construction, well, let me just name one - privacy......
>
>> */I imagine it would be hard to get Putin or the Iranian government
>> to agree on those, which is why I am _not_ in principle committed to
>> a pure intergovernmental process./*
>>
>
> Do you know with what dread the rest of the world reads the
> pronouncement of US's tea party notables.... this is one reason that I
> cant be persuaded by your entreaties that we all just submit to the US
> law. It is easy to denounce a system by pointing to the views of what
> may look like its worst actors, it can be done for any system. You
> know very well that one Russia and one Iran cannot make UN policy, can
> they?? Therefore your above line of 'reasoning' doesnt hold. Do you
> think the non US world is readier to be subject to a US led process
> then you are for a pure intergov UN process. Note however, that my and
> many other proposals on the table on oversight and broader GPP are
> rather multistakeholder. And I said that we must discuss actual
> elements of any MS proposals - for instance, do you see, say, a
> Microsoft rep play the same role as the Brazilain gov rep, for all
> kind of policy and oversight matters?
>
>> */I think the more-liberal Internet can and should create its own
>> institutional framework and bypass the repressive and authoritarian
>> regimes if and when it can./*
>>
>
> And, by the same token, also bypass the unilateral regime of the US
> with one of the the world's worst record of not playing along with
> global rules and standard, and with a rabid IP stance and global
> design that, if implemented, would distort the global economic
> structure forever. Why does these points miss your censure, and you
> not see the need for bypassing this particular regime, which the rest
> of the world finds so oppressive.
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> Then you seek " an appropriate body of national law under which ICANN
>> should operate", whereby you mean an body of US law. No we cant agree
>> here US law is made and can be changed by US legislature, and that
>> doesnt work for the rest of the world. The appropriate body has to be
>> of international law.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] it would be fine for me, /*
>>
>
> lets build on this agreement......
>
>> */I used to believe the same thing, but then people who understand
>> how international law really works convinced me that it doesn’t
>> really afford individuals much protection. /*
>>
>
> US law affords even much less protection to me, even if I were to
> disregard my principled opposition to its global application.
>
>> */Show me some cases, e.g., where the international legal system
>> really upheld an individual’s free expression rights in a timely and
>> effective manner and I might change my views. /*
>>
>
> We see international legal system increasingly in operation even in
> criminal matter, like war crimes (a different matter that US doesnt
> accept this legal system). Traditionally, UN has mostly given policy
> frameworks that have informed national legal systems, and I know many
> instances, for instance in case of human right, women's rights, that
> these UN policy frameworks have had very far reaching impacts. I
> havent studied legal systems that would have had to provide direct and
> immediate redress - in matters like marine routes and the involved
> international jurisdiction, global trade disputes, IP disputes etc....
> but I understand that they do work. In case of the Internet, the
> pressing global nature of the problems is a new thing, and as far as
> we are satisfied with policy development frameworks, implementation
> vis a vis to redress etc is an issue of contextual institutional
> design, and that is why, in the present case, we should discuss how
> the international CIR oversight body be consituted etc.
>
>> *//*
>>
>>
>> You correspondingly want any non US person or entity to use
>> California law to seek redress, if required, from ICANN. Again doesnt
>> work for me.
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] only with respect to membership and certain
>> procedural rights. I agree that this aspect of the proposal is
>> flawed. There could be better proposals, but I haven’t seen one. /*
>>
>
> No, it is not only in these matters that you mention that your
> proposed system is flawed. It is undemocratic, subject to US policy
> and law making processes, in which I have less faith than you perhaps
> have in UN processes. Milton, I know you have a strong native
> political instinct and strong political views. Answer this honestly '
> if you were not a US citizen, would you have accepted this
> arrangement'. I am sure you would not have. So, pl be rational here :).
>>
>> *//*
>>
>>
>> I must mention that it is strange that you, and the US, would want
>> people and other entities of the rest of the world to resort to US
>> national law to seek remedies vis a vis management of a global
>> resource at a time when US is going around promoting FTAs that seek
>> to subvert relevant domestic laws of the countries that it does FTA
>> with in favour of international arbitration. Why being so stingy
>> about sticking to national law and redress systems in this case. Why
>> cant we have an international redress system.
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */[Milton L Mueller] If you are talking about ICANN, I think most of
>> the redress would be internal to ICANN’s processes, and thus would be
>> fully international./*
>>
>
> What policy/ legal basis is this redress based on. I remember a NCUC
> statement that ICANN should never take a political/ policy view of
> things, and limited by its mandate, only take technical/ financial
> view. Do I remember wrong. So, on what basis would the redress be
> provided if it involves a policy/ legal issue, even if FoE and
> anti-trust based.
>
>> */E.g., the policy making bodies are governed by ICANN bylaws; the
>> Independent Review Process was an arbitration that was not conducted
>> under California Corp. law but under ICANN’s own defined procedures.
>> I am just talking about falling back to Cal. law for some basic forms
>> of accountability regarding procedure and membership. /*
>>
>
> We keep coming back to the same point. US law is not acceptable.
> Milton, you reject UN systems because you suspect that a few
> authoritarian states will make the wrong kind of policies. You want us
> to remain assured that US gov will never make wrong kind of policies.
> Do you think this works for us, non US citizens. You seem to favour
> the US system because of your preference for long term stable policy/
> legal systems. However, if we were to approach it rationally, I think
> the US policy/ law making system is much more volatile that UN based
> one. Dont you think so. With the kind of laws that we have seen
> recently passed in the US, or on being on the brink of being passed,
> do you think it gives the world confidence in the US policy/ legal
> system. On the other hand, so laborious and consensus oriented are UN
> processes, with US and its allies having such a position of enviable
> strength in them ( a fact we seem to very easily ignored) that nothing
> other than such policy positions that have long term relatively stable
> political consensus in modern, but evolving, political though and
> practice, can get past these processes.
>
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */The FTA argument is a red herring, has nothing to do with me or my
>> position or what we are talking about here. /*
>>
>
> No, it isnt. The international arbitration processes that are being
> insisted upon in FTAs provide an example of increasing use of
> international redress mechanisms, an issue you again raised above. It
> is a different matter that I do not agree with the business-directed
> processes that actually get employed in case of FTAs. No reason
> however we cant have public interest oreinted interntional redress
> processes based on sound international law.
>
> parminder
>
>> *//*
>>
>> *//*
>>
>> */Your turn./*
>>
>
>
>
>> *//*
>>
>>
>>
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