<html><head><meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=utf-8"></head><body dir="auto"><div>Some of this just doesn't compute.  The agenda was shaped by consensus achieved by a rather diverse spectrum of organizations, not all of which have been known to move in lockstep with each other.</div><div><br></div><div>In a shared decision making environment, hostility and a divisive agenda - not to mention a "they are all against me" complex like I see expressed below aren't exactly the best drivers for any kind of consensus building.  <br><br>--srs (iPad)</div><div><br>On 06-Aug-2013, at 17:22, Jeremy Malcolm <<a href="mailto:jeremy@ciroap.org">jeremy@ciroap.org</a>> wrote:<br><br></div><blockquote type="cite"><div>
  

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      <div>On 05/08/2013, at 2:02 AM, George Sadowsky
        <a class="moz-txt-link-rfc2396E" href="mailto:george.sadowsky@gmail.com"><george.sadowsky@gmail.com></a> wrote:</div>
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          <div>I note your sentence below:</div>
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              <div dir="auto">The just-a-conference group have
                successfully "forced their view" on the others until
                now, by vetoing changes necessary for the IGF to fulfil
                the rest of its mandate.</div>
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            <div>Could you clarify (a) what the rest of the IGF's
              mandate is, and specifically where it is defined, (b)
              exactly who are members of what you call the
              just-a-conference group is, (c) what the veto mechanism is
              and how it has been use, and (d) based upon the previous
              responses, how responsibility should be distributed for
              what you appear to characterize as failure?</div>
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    <div class="AppleOriginalContents">It seems like I've been over this
      many times before, and I'm actually curious why you are asking
      these questions since you surely know the answers.  So I'll keep
      it brief.<br>
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      (a) As you know, the rest of the IGF's mandate is in paragraph 72
      of the Tunis Agenda, and amongst the paragraphs of the mandate
      that it is widely agreed have not been fulfilled (citations
      available, but I promised brevity) are the finalisation of
      recommendations (mandate paragraph 72(g)), interfacing with
      intergovernmental and other international organisations at an
      executive level (paragraph 72(c)) and assessing the embodiment of
      the WSIS principles in other Internet governance institutions
      (paragraph 72(i)).  <br>
      <br>
      (b) Mainly ISOC (and other technical community), the ICC (and
      other private sector) and the USA (and other OECD countries).<br>
      <br>
      (c) From the very first questionnaire on the formation of the IGF,
      the agenda was shaped to exclude certain formats and procedures
      from consideration, with the object of denying the IGF the
      organisational capacity to meet the above paragraphs of its
      mandate.  Aided by poor transparency of the MAG and a heavily
      top-down Secretariat, structural inertia very quickly set in so
      that further changes to the IGF suddenly became "impossible"; even
      those minor improvements independently recommended by the CSTD. 
      The MAG is large, with an over-representation of technical
      community representatives, and is chaired by one of their own,
      with the result that it continues to be an effective instrument of
      the status quo.  IGF critics are generally kept out of the inner
      circle - whilst I'm nobody important, I've never been selected for
      the MAG nor for any main session.  This could just be coincidence,
      though it came to my attention recently that ISOC had specifically
      vetoed my nomination to speak at a regional Internet governance
      meeting, and Michael Gurstein, as you know, has been treated
      similarly.  Moreover it wasn't beneath one individual to spread a
      false rumour that destroyed one of the dynamic coalitions that had
      been advocating for progressive changes to the IGF.<br>
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      (d) See (b) and (c) above.<br>
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                                  "><span style="background-color:
                                    rgb(255, 255, 255); ">-- </span><br style="background-color: rgb(255,
                                    255, 255); ">
                                  <p style="font-size: 9pt;
                                    background-color: rgb(255, 255,
                                    255); "><b>Dr Jeremy Malcolm<br>
                                      Senior Policy Officer<br>
                                      Consumers International | the
                                      global campaigning voice for
                                      consumers</b><br>
                                    Office for Asia-Pacific and the
                                    Middle East<br>
                                    Lot 5-1 Wisma WIM, 7 Jalan Abang
                                    Haji Openg, TTDI, 60000 Kuala
                                    Lumpur, Malaysia<br>
                                    Tel: +60 3 7726 1599</p>
                                  <p style="font-size: 9pt; "><span style="background-color: rgb(255,
                                      255, 255); ">Explore our new
                                      Resource Zone - the global
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                                      255, 255); ">http://www.consumersinternational.org/news-and-media/resource-zone</a></p>
                                  <p style="font-size: 9pt;
                                    background-color: rgb(255, 255,
                                    255); ">@Consumers_Int | <a href="http://www.consumersinternational.org/">www.consumersinternational.org</a> | <a href="http://www.facebook.com/consumersinternational">www.facebook.com/consumersinternational</a></p>
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