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On 10/31/2011 02:47 AM, Milton L Mueller wrote:
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span
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<div style="border:none;border-left:solid blue 1.5pt;padding:0in
0in 0in 4.0pt">we might still expect that its policies may be
"somewhat less bad than the status quo". But because of its
multi-stakeholder character, we can hope for much more: that
civil society will finally have a and positive real impact on
policies such as those that are being developed right now,
outside of any transnational multi-stakeholder framework, that
are destroying the Internet as we know it.<span
style="color:#1F497D"><o:p></o:p></span>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom:12.0pt"><b><i><span
style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Courier
New";color:#1F497D">[Milton L Mueller] This
statement re-convinces me that you don’t have a good
grasp of the political realities. Sorry.
<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom:12.0pt"><b><i><span
style="font-size:11.0pt;font-family:"Courier
New";color:#1F497D">First, give me an example of
what specific policies would be better if the UN were
involved and the number of states were broadened. Just
one would do. <o:p><br>
</o:p></span></i></b></p>
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<br>
There is a whole literature full of examples. Internet governance
as a field of study in international relations is based around
regime theory. It is fundamental to this theory that states will
come together and cooperate in a regime even where this does not
always coincide directly with their domestic interests. The
existence of the regime itself has a value which counterbalances
domestic considerations.<br>
<br>
I won't go into the theory here because you probably know it better
than me, and as far as the specific examples you've asked for I can
only speculate, but don't consider it implausible that if a new
instrument were agreed that outlawed state-sponsored cyberterrorism,
this would influence domestic policy on its use amongst member
states - just as the Chemical Weapons Convention has done.<br>
<br>
Let me be frank. I don't like the CIRP proposal as it exists now.
It has major problems. One of those you've raised yourself, that
governments are represented twice - once on their own account, and
again through the intergovernmental advisory group. We would need
to do a lot to get this proposal into shape.<br>
<br>
Ideally, I think we should be asking that each of the advisory
groups should have a veto of any recommendation that goes forward.
(In a way, this is a variation of the consociational model that I
advocated in my doctorate and since.) This will narrow the range of
issues on which the CIRP can produce recommendations, but it will
also avoid the worst dangers of this new body producing a
rights-infringing document on Internet security or the like.<br>
<br>
But if we are to advocate for such changes, we need to avoid
throwing up our hands and dismissing the CIRP proposal as a matter
of principle. That is why I have focussed my energies so far on
comparing the potential of this proposal, done right, to the
inadequacies of the status quo. It is not that I am blind to its
deficiencies, but that I fear others will be blind to its promise if
they reject it too readily.<br>
<br>
+5c to Lee McKnight's last mail.<br>
<br>
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