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<font face="Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif">Marila's message reminded
me to let you know about latest developments at the UN, on
cyber...<br>
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</font>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span
style="mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"">In
case you've missed these articles, published on March 27th and
March
28th, accordingly by the Russian cyber "tzar" Krutskikh, and by
Washington Post columnist David Ignatius. <br>
<br>
<span data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">They
cover a lot of what's happening around the <span
data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span> (and
also US-Russia) cyber negotiations. They describe both the
Open-Ended Working
Group and the Governmental Group of Experts (the latter one
membership is
expected to be announced any moment), which will be discussing
cyber for the
coming years at the <span data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span> General
Assembly. Mr. Krutskikh is former diplomat and current cyber
advisor to
President Putin. His piece was published first in the
Kommersant Daily, and
then posted (in English) on the official <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type=3"
target="_blank"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type%3D3&source=gmail&ust=1554383355896000&usg=AFQjCNHvn6jE_m6W4KJeBqp6I7wWY5kWow"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">Facebook
page</a> of the
Embassy of the Russian Federation to the US - a clear sign
that Russia is
sending a message. </span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><b><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">"Russia Has
Nothing To
Hide, Nor Has It A Reason To Fear" </span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> In the report
of the US
Special Prosecutor Robert Mueller, partially released recently,
was again
affirmed that the Russian special services intervened in the US
elections of
2016. Russia proposed to the United States to publish the closed
communication
between the Russian and US government agencies about the
investigation of this
incident, but the US refused. The Special Representative of the
President of
the Russian Federation for International Cooperation in
Information Security,
Ambassador-at-Large Andrey Krutskikh explained in the article,
written
exclusively for the Kommersant, why Moscow considers it
important to resume the
dialogue with Washington on cyberspace.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Against the
backdrop of
the habitual – even ritual – anti-Russia propaganda, some voices
of reason have
been heard lately among American experts. Of particular interest
in this regard
is the recent article by the The Daily Beast titled "This
Hotline Could
Keep the U.S. and Russia from Cyberwar". No doubt, for the
professionals
who have closely followed the development of the situation this
publication
will hardly be an eye-opener. What is important is that the
article openly
admits that the absence of a depoliticized expert dialogue
between Russia and
the U.S. on international information security is not only a
road to nowhere
but also a dangerous course fraught with further
misunderstanding and a risk of
a large-scale conflict.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Those are not
emotional
conclusions, but rather plain facts cited by American security
officials who
have formerly worked or still work at the administration,
overseeing the issues
of cyber security, i.e. by those who know the situation on the
ground and, by
virtue of their occupation, are bound to be utterly pragmatic.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> If security
officials and
the expert community in the U.S. actually share this opinion,
this is the case
when it is hard to argue with the colleagues, even though they
are "on the
other side of the fence". <br
style="mso-special-character:line-break">
<br style="mso-special-character:line-break">
</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Six years ago,
in 2013, we
managed to reach agreement on establishing a direct line of
communication
between Russia and the U.S. in the event of cyber incidents.
Basically, the
system was modelled on a similar mechanism that had been in
place during the
Cold War for dealing with traditional military incidents and
enables a prompt
information exchange at all levels from institutional to
political.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Since its
establishment,
the communication channel has been used, and more than once. In
fact, during
the Obama administration, we maintained a vibrant dialogue on
cyber issues both
at the routine technical level and in the format of full-fledged
consultations.
Physical meetings of experts enabling them to engage in direct
discussions on
emerging issues were held. Even a special high-level bilateral
working group
was established under the Russian-American Presidential
Commission.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> As for the
operation of
the “hotlines”, the most vivid example is the address of the
American side
during the U.S. presidential campaign in autumn 2016, in which
the U.S.
expressed concerns over the intrusion into its electronic
infrastructure. Our
response was prompt as usual, and an exchange of the relevant
technical
information took place. Our National coordination center for
computer
incidents, which is in charge of the line, as early as last
December, announced
its readiness to reveal the content of the correspondence to
general public,
subject to consent of the American side. We sent the relevant
proposal to
Washington through diplomatic channels early this year. The
response was in the
negative.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> The Russian
Foreign
Ministry's spokesperson offered an exhaustive explanation on the
issue at her
briefing last week. For my part, I can only add to this that our
proposal to
publish the above-mentioned correspondence was an unprecedented
step, an
example of true transparency, which our partners tend to invoke
so often.
Russia has nothing to fear – nor do we have anything to conceal.
We are ready
to open the correspondence for examination by the general public
both in Russia
and the U.S., the mass media, and experts, so that they could
draw their own
conclusions on what really happened. But at the moment, we
cannot publish this
data because of the refusal of the American side. The pretext
for the refusal
was the so-called "sensitivity" of the data. It is highly
unlikely,
however, that any information that is more "sensitive" for the
U.S.
than for Russia could be found there. Frankly speaking, this
approach rather
shows that they unsure of their position, since it would be much
harder to
disseminate information accusing Russia of "having a hand" in
cyber
intrusions if true facts were made public.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> However this is
not the
end of this absurd story. We decided to directly address the US
audience about
the Moscow view on the situation around the “hotlines” and
proposed a number of
the leading US mass media to publish this article. We told them:
we just give
you “direct speech” and you comment on it in any way you like.
If you don’t like
our proposals, if you don’t believe us - put it on paper and let
the readers
judge.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> First, these
media showed
the interest in the matter, asked us for the details, claimed
that they were
ready to publish the article. However, then they apparently got
a stop light
and refused, giving no explanation. They got cold feet maybe.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> This is a
matter of
emotion while we want to be pragmatic. I once again agree with
our U.S.
colleagues (Michael Daniel, Chris Painter and Luke Dembosky),
whose opinions
were referred to in the article, that it is not enough just to
set up emergency
hotlines. For them to work effectively there should be a
dialogue between those
who maintain their day-to-day operation as well as a broader
conversation on
issues related to international information security.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Officials in
Washington
often say that, allegedly, there is "not enough trust" for this.
The
question is why would there be any trust if you keep avoiding
any discussion on
the matter? We have repeatedly proposed to hold bilateral
consultations, but
all our proposals have been rejected. At times things get
absurd, as a year ago
in Geneva, when the U.S. canceled a bilateral meeting two hours
before it was
supposed to begin, even though the delegations were already
there. One might think
that talking face to face seems so appalling to our partners
that they would
rather transmit their grievances through the media.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> However, this
issue is
beyond routine politics, mutual poking or any subjective
factors. Today, just
as 50 years ago, we talk about preventing a cyberincident from
escalating into
a full-scale military conflict between Russia and the United
States. If the
established emergency “hotlines” bolstered with dialogue between
experts stall
for political reasons, we will face the risk of another Cuban
Missile Crisis,
only this time it will be triggered by information and
communication
technologies, not warheads, and events will unfold</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">in a matter of
minutes, leaving
little time for both sides to make their decisions. It sounds
like a science-fiction
film, but actually it has long been our reality.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">I want to
believe that the U.S.
recognizes this as well as Russia does. At least, the opinions
expressed by the
U.S. experts provide us with reasons for hope.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> We also seek
the same
openness, democracy and constructive dialogue as we cooperate
with the U.S. on
cyber issues at multilateral fora. This year, two dedicated
negotiating
mechanisms are expected to be established to deal with
international
information security: the Open-ended Working Group (OEWG), which
all the <span data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span> Member States can
join, and the
Group of Governmental Experts (GGE). It is interesting to note
that even though
the first one is being established on Russia's initiative, and
the other, de
jure, on America's; in fact, both groups were first proposed and
sponsored by
Russia, while Western countries were sceptical about the <span
data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span> track and took
every opportunity
to criticise it. Nonetheless, the reality is that the <span
data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span>will now have two
groups working in
parallel, and it is essential that we define today the
principles of their
interaction.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> We do not
believe that
getting into "gladiator fights" on international information
security
is the right option to pursue at the <span
data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span>.
Russia, just like any other state, is interested in ensuring
that these groups
work in a complementary, non-adversarial, constructive and
cooperative manner.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Out of common
sense we
suggest that it would be best to “share the burden”. According
to this plan the
OEWG is to focus on major political tasks concerning the
majority of the
international community: the rules of responsible behavior of
states in the
information space, confidence-building measures in this field,
assistance to
developing states and the future format for the negotiations on
this matter (a
standing committee of the <span data-removefontsize="true"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"><span
class="term-highlighted">UN</span></span> General
Assembly or Security Council, or some other option).</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> As for the GGE,
it could
in its turn address, as a matter of priority, an equally
important, yet more
specialized issue of applicability of the existing norms of
international law
to the information space.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Harmonization
of efforts
is the second pivotal principle of coexistence of the two
groups. Their
discussions should be non-politicized and pragmatic, and there
should be
complementarity rather than competition between their outcomes.
The mandate of
both the OEWG and the GGE demonstrate that the groups are to
address an
enormous set of issues, which can only be achieved with
constructive engagement
of all participants.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> I would like to
stress
that back in November 2018, we offered such plan - a kind of
programme of joint
actions - to the United States. We suggested, as we had done
many times before,
that we should meet and discuss these matters. As before, we
have not received
any reply. There is not much time left before both groups set to
work. We can
only hope that our partners' common sense prevails and they will
take advantage
of this window of opportunity before it closes. We stand ready
to engage in the
dialogue.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> [End of the
Facebook
publication]</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"><span
style="mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman"">The
Washington Post writes
about the same issue in an article, titled “<a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/moscow-shouldnt-misjudge-the-mueller-moment/2019/03/27/5b6544e6-50fb-11e9-8d28-f5149e5a2fda_story.html"
target="_blank"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/moscow-shouldnt-misjudge-the-mueller-moment/2019/03/27/5b6544e6-50fb-11e9-8d28-f5149e5a2fda_story.html&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNG0BqePkNvcyCgEbDWy-ewidKGgGQ"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">Moscow
shouldn’t misjudge the
Mueller moment</a>”</span></span></b><span
style="mso-fareast-font-family:"Times New Roman""></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> Russian claims
this week
that they’ve been exonerated by special counsel Robert S.
Mueller III’s final
report make my skin crawl. But they highlight the critical
question of how the
United States and Russia can begin to move back toward a saner
relationship.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Frankly speaking
(as Russians
like to say), the first step is for Russia to stop pretending
that it didn’t
interfere in the 2016 presidential election. The Kremlin got
caught red-handed,
one could say, and if it keeps claiming otherwise, it obstructs
the dialogue it
says it wants.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Moscow shouldn’t
misjudge the
moment. The special counsel’s report <a
href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/03/24/us/politics/barr-letter-mueller-report.html#g-page-2"
target="_blank" title="www.nytimes.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/03/24/us/politics/barr-letter-mueller-report.html%23g-page-2&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNGcfnjrUlINJ-44GD3NyboPc7Lsyg"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">affirmed
the judgment</a> of
the U.S. intelligence community that Russia interfered during
the 2016 race.
Mueller’s strongest cases, in fact, were the <a
href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/russia-indictment-20-what-make-muellers-hacking-indictment"
target="_blank" title="www.lawfareblog.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.lawfareblog.com/russia-indictment-20-what-make-muellers-hacking-indictment&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNFhLPAEuoNvhrmEJKpx1FFKgbfh1Q"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">indictments</a> <a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/how-the-russians-hacked-the-dnc-and-passed-its-emails-to-wikileaks/2018/07/13/af19a828-86c3-11e8-8553-a3ce89036c78_story.html?utm_term=.3cf2f1ba493b"
target="_blank" title="www.washingtonpost.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/how-the-russians-hacked-the-dnc-and-passed-its-emails-to-wikileaks/2018/07/13/af19a828-86c3-11e8-8553-a3ce89036c78_story.html?utm_term%3D.3cf2f1ba493b&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNFxl2ecq8gCTB47gyRLZmJEdxE5Xg"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">that
detailed</a> how 13
operatives from Russia’s Internet Research Agency manipulated
social media, and
how <a href="x-apple-data-detectors://4"
style="text-decoration-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.258824)">12 GRU</a> intelligence
officers hacked Democratic Party information and passed stolen
emails to
WikiLeaks.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Russian
commentators were <a
href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/russia-joins-trump-in-post-mueller-report-victory-lap/2019/03/25/7a5bc442-4e76-11e9-bdb7-44f948cc0605_story.html?utm_term=.742b9b5db112"
target="_blank" title="www.washingtonpost.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/russia-joins-trump-in-post-mueller-report-victory-lap/2019/03/25/7a5bc442-4e76-11e9-bdb7-44f948cc0605_story.html?utm_term%3D.742b9b5db112&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNH9qd1lIRQMRhFndC6QhOo5dfZZtQ"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">nearly as
jubilant</a> as
the White House, after Attorney General William P. Barr
released <a
href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/context/read-attorney-general-barr-s-principal-conclusions-of-the-mueller-report/"
target="_blank" title="www.washingtonpost.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.washingtonpost.com/context/read-attorney-general-barr-s-principal-conclusions-of-the-mueller-report/&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNHDUfJZQ7Uay-jDLbcZB_LL2gGUyA"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">his summary</a> of
the
special counsel’s findings. “Significant taxpayer resources went
into
disproving an obvious fake,” crowed a Foreign Ministry
statement. “The agents
of conspiracy have been discredited,” tweeted Alexey Pushkov, a
foreign-policy
expert in Russia’s parliament.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">President Trump
may enjoy the
Kremlin fist pumps. But they’re the wrong way to restart a
serious dialogue
between Moscow and Washington. A restart won’t work unless it is
founded on
mutual trust between the two nations, as opposed to mutual
back-scratching by
Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Andrey
Krutskikh, the Kremlin’s
leading cyber expert, dropped a hankie in an article this week
in the Moscow
newspaper Kommersant. He said that “<a
href="https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type=3&theater"
target="_blank" title="www.facebook.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type%3D3%26theater&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNHukXMZRFGUzGgANwbNBFbJMhmflA"
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">some voices</a>”
were
reemerging in the United States, as opposed to ritual
“anti-Russian
propaganda.” He proposed that the two nations resume
“depoliticized expert
dialogue” about cybersecurity, like the quiet conversations that
took place
during the Obama administration.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">“Russia has
nothing to fear —
nor do we have anything to conceal,” Krutskikh said. He said the
United States
should agree to disclose the secret pre-election contacts
between the United
States and Russia in 2016 about U.S. “concerns over the
intrusion into its <a
href="https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type=3"
target="_blank" title="www.facebook.com"
data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.facebook.com/RusEmbUSA/photos/a.493759737501088/990105344533189/?type%3D3&source=gmail&ust=1554383355897000&usg=AFQjCNFgPTLhFVbAX-X2Wimn-rvW1TwpkQ"
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data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105">electronic
infrastructure</a>.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
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style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">This sounds
dubious; Russia was
conducting a covert action against the United States, which
means that it was
deniable. Moscow’s statements in 2016 would reinforce its claim
that it didn’t
do what both U.S. intelligence and Mueller’s indictments say it
did.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Chris Painter,
who was the
Obama administration’s top cyber diplomat, told me Wednesday
that a resumption
of working-level contacts about cyber would be fine. But he
cautioned against
any top-rank contacts about cyber issues now, because they might
allow Russia
to pretend the 2016 cyberattacks didn’t happen.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
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style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">“If you resume
high-level
dialogue, that says everything’s okay — no harm, no foul,”
explains Painter.
This would be a mistake, he argues, because it would allow
Moscow “to white
wash what has happened.” A policymakers’ discussion about cyber
and other
issues “has to have clearly defined goals and outcomes that
advance our
interests.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
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style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">What about a
broader
conversation between the United States and Russia — dealing with
big,
potentially explosive problems such as Ukraine, Syria and
nuclear arms control?
As with cyber issues, the answer is that the two sides need to
talk, but they
need to build a solid foundation.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">“We should begin
in a modest
way, not with a full-up arms-control negotiation, but by
starting an ongoing
dialogue about strategic stability” argues Stephen J. Hadley,
who was national
security adviser for President George W. Bush. He suggests a
range of
confidence-building measures that might seek to avoid
confrontations in outer
space and cyberspace.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
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style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Hadley argues
the basic
rationale for a reset: “The lack of dialogue between the two
countries is not
in either country’s interest. It is also potentially dangerous.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
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style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">A warier view
comes from Thomas
Donilon, who served as national security adviser under President
Barack Obama.
He thinks the United States shouldn’t engage Russia until its
own house is in
better order — with full disclosure of the Mueller report on
what the Russians
did in 2016, better protection for U.S. election security and
repair of the
United States’ damaged alliances in Europe.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">Trump
administration officials
argue that their Russia policy is based on U.S. interests. It
has imposed
sanctions when necessary, but has also tried to keep open
channels between
Trump and Putin. If officials have plans for any major
post-Mueller opening,
they don’t say so.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">If Russia wants
lasting
improvement in its relations with the United States, it should
stop its
Trumpian gloating about the Mueller report and start rebuilding
the basics of
trust. Mueller’s apparent affirmation that there was “no
collusion” creates
some space for better relations, but if Trump supporters are
Moscow’s only
champions, any reset with Russia will blow a fuse.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"
style="mso-margin-top-alt:auto;mso-margin-bottom-alt:auto"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
data-originalcomputedfontsize="14.666666984558105"
style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)">[End of
Washington Post article]</span></p>
<span style="background-color:rgba(255, 255, 255, 0)"><span
data-originalfontsize="0.9166666865348816rem"
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mso-bidi-language:AR-SA"> <br>
If you have any questions, let me know.</span><br
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<div class="moz-cite-prefix">On 04/17/19 06:21, Marilia Maciel
wrote:<br>
</div>
<blockquote type="cite"
cite="mid:CACpVkK3U0Oi3vWO5esVMBqHgZ6aULUT7n7uy_WKqgoq=m7eojQ@mail.gmail.com">
<meta http-equiv="content-type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8">
<div dir="ltr">Hello everyone, <br>
<div class="gmail_quote">
<div dir="ltr">
<div><br>
</div>
<div>The last few weeks have been very intense, packed with
several meetings of interest to the Internet governance
community, such as the WSIS Forum, UNCTAD eCommerce week
and the Western Balkans Digital Summit. For those who did
not have the chance to follow discussions, the
just-in-time reporting from these meetings produced by the
Geneva Internet Platform and DiploFoundation could be
handy. The links can be found below. </div>
<br>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</blockquote>
<br>
<pre class="moz-signature" cols="72">--
Best regards,
Veni
<a class="moz-txt-link-freetext" href="https://www.veni.com">https://www.veni.com</a>
pgp:5BA1366E <a class="moz-txt-link-abbreviated" href="mailto:veni@veni.com">veni@veni.com</a>
The opinions expressed above are those of the
author, not of any organizations, associated
with or related to him in any given way. </pre>
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